An Analysis of Abdullah Laroui’s Political Thought Based on Spragens’ Model

Document Type : Research Paper

Authors

1 PhD Candidate in Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, Imam Khomeini International University, Qazvin, Iran

2 Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran

3 PhD Candidate in Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Islamic Azad University, Takestan Branch, Qazvin, Iran

Abstract

Extended Abstract
 
 
Introduction and Objectives: Abdullah Laroui, the renowned Moroccan thinker and one of the most influential intellectual critics of the contemporary Arab world, combines historical analysis, cultural Marxism, and critique of tradition to explore the fundamental crises of Arab–Islamic societies. The Arab defeat in the 1967 war with Israel was not only a military setback but also a profound identity crisis, prompting Laroui to reconsider the nature of this crisis and possible solutions. In his view, Arab societies suffer not only from structural backwardness and dependency on the West but also from cognitive and identity-based decline.
This article examines Laroui’s political thought through the four-stage model of Thomas A. Spragens, which involves identifying the crisis, analyzing its roots, envisioning an ideal society, and proposing solutions. Rather than judging ideologies from the outside, Spragens’ approach emphasizes uncovering their internal logic, recognizing that every ideology—even if seemingly irrational from another perspective—has its own rational structure. The aim of this study is to systematically explore Laroui’s political thought by identifying the central crisis, its causes, the features of his ideal society, and his proposed remedies.
Methodology:This qualitative and critical-analytical study applies Spragens’ four-step model as outlined in Understanding Political Theory (1990). Unlike a purely text-centered approach, this contextual method emphasizes that political thought cannot be divorced from its historical, social, and cultural environment. Accordingly, Laroui’s ideas are analyzed in four stages:

Crisis recognition – identifying the primary problem confronting Arab societies;
Causal analysis – tracing the historical, ideological, and structural roots of the crisis;
Ideal vision – conceptualizing a just, free, and independent society;
Solution – proposing practical and theoretical strategies to achieve the ideal society.

Findings: The findings indicate that Laroui’s political thought was shaped by his recognition of the 1967 Arab defeat as both a military and identity crisis, raising fundamental questions about the “self,” the “place,” and the “future” of Arab societies within the global order. For Laroui, this crisis was rooted in internal decline and structural backwardness, compounded by Western colonial influence.
He identifies three main causes of the crisis:

Colonialism, which not only occupied territories but deeply influenced Arab consciousness by imposing Western languages, laws, and culture, thereby weakening indigenous identity;
Traditionalism and Salafism, which he views as a backward-looking ideology that restricts innovation and obstructs modernization, turning Islam into a static interpretation;
Authoritarian political systems, which combine traditional legitimacy with global capitalist dependency, privileging elite interests over public needs while suppressing critical thought and independent knowledge production.

For Laroui, the ideal society is built upon freedom, equality, and independence—drawing inspiration from the Prophet’s community in Medina. He distinguishes between transcendent Islam, rooted in the Prophet’s era, and historical Islam, which over time became a tool of rulers and clerics. His ideal vision is a society free from religious and political hierarchies, governed by civil–political law that protects individual rights and achievements, and liberated from tribal constraints.
Laroui’s proposed solution is a comprehensive national revolution spanning intellectual-cultural, social-political, and economic dimensions. Unlike Marxist orthodoxy, the driving force of this revolution is not the working class but the national petty bourgeoisie—intellectuals, teachers, peasants, and artisans—who, because of their social position, are capable of initiating authentic transformation. His approach employs deconstructive analysis, focusing on foundational ideological elements and cognitive renewal, rather than a purely genealogical method. Central to this vision is Sufism, which Laroui interprets as more than mystical practice; it is a form of spiritual resistance and inner purification that fosters independence and resilience against despotism. He finds similar qualities of moral courage and resistance in marginalized groups such as the Khārijites and nomadic tribes.
Conclusion: Laroui’s thought does not advocate a return to tradition or blind imitation of the West. Instead, he calls for a fundamental critique from within, combining cultural Marxism and historical analysis to envision a society where individuals achieve spiritual freedom and moral courage, resist authoritarianism, and articulate a distinctive indigenous identity.
This study demonstrates that Laroui’s political thought, despite its practical challenges, provides a rich theoretical framework for rethinking the future of Arab–Islamic societies.
Acknowledgements: The authors sincerely thank the editor-in-chief and the reviewers of the journal for their invaluable suggestions, which greatly improved this study.
Conflict of Interest: The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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References

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